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By Quincy Wright

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6% of the national workforce and nearly ten percent of Germany’s trade union membership (Schneider 1991: 384; Steenson 1981: 94-95). This great increase took place alongside a rapidly expanding national economy. The number of workers in industry doubled between 1887 and 1914, as labor productivity kept equal pace (Miller and Potthoff 1983: 42). Labor organization usually followed traditional craft lines with the exceptions of industrial-type unions in enterprises like metal working and construction (Schneider 1991: 74).

E. to defend the franchise (Berger 1995: 72-73; Schneider 90-92). The discussions between party and union leaders leading up to the Mannheim Agreement and the suppression of the general strike tactic had been clandestine, until a group of radical trade unionists in Berlin secured the records and published an account they called “A Look Behind the Scenes” (Bock 1969: 26). Rosa Luxemburg and the socialist left rejected the Mannheim accord. Such an agreement revealed that “the influence and power of the trade unions are founded upon the upside down theory of the incapacity of the masses for criticism and decision” (Luxemburg 1971: 87).

This was done to encourage the expansion of the party in these regions where the organization was relatively weak. The immediate effect of this policy was to weaken radical influence and move the SPD in a more moderate direction (Schorske 1972: 129-135; Geary 1981: 119). A more serious leftist opposition within the party took shape after 1900 around the question of the tactic of the general strike. General strikes were beginning to occur in other West European nations, usually over issues of suffrage reform (Schorske 1972: 33).

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A study of war, vol.1 by Quincy Wright


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